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This article proposes a game-theoretic setting to explain the fragmentation of majority and opposition coalitions in governments. The model is two-stage: (1) the leaders of each coalition control the size of the parties in their g...
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This article proposes a game-theoretic setting to explain the fragmentation of majority and opposition coalitions in governments. The model is two-stage: (1) the leaders of each coalition control the size of the parties in their group so as to maximize the political power of their coalition, and (2) the political party leaders in each coalition decide their degree of participation in their coalition's collective action. The main conclusion is that the concentration in the two opposing coalitions will be related when the competition between them is fierce. This is shown to hold for the Left-wing and Right-wing coalitions in French local governments, revealing competition in fragmentation in these coalitions.
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Building on the Hodgson–Mokyr debate in this journal (Volume 18, Issue 1, 2022), this article discusses
how modern economic growth occurred in pre-Industrial Revolution Britain, with a particular focus on
coalition politics and...
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Building on the Hodgson–Mokyr debate in this journal (Volume 18, Issue 1, 2022), this article discusses
how modern economic growth occurred in pre-Industrial Revolution Britain, with a particular focus on
coalition politics and the marginalization of conservative political groups – vetoers to change. Such political
marginalization was unusual before the 19th century, when monarchs had substantial political power
and land-based conservative groups were their main political allies. This article finds the source of the
English exceptionalism in the unique system of non-imperial personal union that Britain then had
with the Dutch Republic and Hanover. Under this system, foreigner monarchs chose their local ally in
Britain based on the security needs of their home states. It created a significant disadvantage to the
Tories, the incumbent conservative groups, while providing a window of opportunity for the Whigs,
the opposition group supported by new commercial interests, to form a coalition with the Crown.
The long absence of the Tories from power resulted in the incorporation of their constituencies into
the Whig-led regime, making the traditional economic interests the regime’s ‘junior partners’, instead
of formidable political competitors to the new commercial interests, which was the case before and
elsewhere at that time.
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When President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) took office in October 2014, he promised to usher in a new style of politics, generating optimism among many Indonesians that his government would enthusiastically promote reform. Yet Jokowi has...
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When President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) took office in October 2014, he promised to usher in a new style of politics, generating optimism among many Indonesians that his government would enthusiastically promote reform. Yet Jokowi has since placed greater value on realpolitik than on reform, as evidenced by his choice of cabinet members, his response to the controversy surrounding senior police officer Budi Gunawan, and his handling of attempts by the police and others to weaken Indonesia's respected Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). This article shows that Jokowi failed to deliver on his promises of reform largely owing to a combination of personal and external factors. He failed to show leadership on anticorruption and human-rights issues, for examplein part because he prefers economic development over democratic reform, but also because he is not immune to the oligarchic politics that dominate Indonesia's political life and promote the interests of Indonesia's elite.
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This study focuses on the fragmentations based on exclusionary identity politics within the women's movement in Turkey. Through in-depth interviews I conducted with women activists and academics in Turkey in 2014-2015, I explore a...
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This study focuses on the fragmentations based on exclusionary identity politics within the women's movement in Turkey. Through in-depth interviews I conducted with women activists and academics in Turkey in 2014-2015, I explore activist women's positions on identity issues, such as gender, religion and ethnicity, as well as their views of each other. I argue that seeing identities as unalterable deepens the fragmentation within the movement, creates a false sense of homogeneity within groups and exacerbates activists' tendency to stay in their small groups. In order to move away from the limitations of identity politics, I offer adopting dialogical transversal politics in understanding differences among women, whereby activists can find a realm aside from the exclusionary structures of universalism and identity politics, and suggest coalition building as a realm where transversal politics can cultivate and in which a degree of solidarity within the women's movement in Turkey can develop.
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A comparison between France and the US shows that political parties tend to behave as social communities comparable to trade unions or churches. Those communities are built around common habits, values, interests and programmes. B...
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A comparison between France and the US shows that political parties tend to behave as social communities comparable to trade unions or churches. Those communities are built around common habits, values, interests and programmes. But when it comes to successful coalition building, programmes and lead candidates remain decisive.
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This paper presents a new model of political parties. I assume that the role of parties is to increase the commitment ability of politicians vis-a-vis the voters. Whereas a politician running alone can only offer his ideal policy,...
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This paper presents a new model of political parties. I assume that the role of parties is to increase the commitment ability of politicians vis-a-vis the voters. Whereas a politician running alone can only offer his ideal policy, the set of policies that a party can commit to is the Pareto set of its members. I show that the commitment mechanisms provided by the institution of parties has no effect when the policy space is unidimensional; the policies parties can induce in equilibrium arise also when politicians are running independently. However, when the policy space is multidimensional, politicians use the vehicle of parties to offer equilibrium policies that they cannot offer in their absence.
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The theory of urban bias was a major contribution to the evolution of contemporary theories of political economy that remains highly relevant today. Yet theorists of urban bias have still not produced a general explanation that ac...
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The theory of urban bias was a major contribution to the evolution of contemporary theories of political economy that remains highly relevant today. Yet theorists of urban bias have still not produced a general explanation that accounts for anomalous cases of what we call "rural incorporation," or coalition strategies based on modest rural producers. These anomalous cases suggest that the collective action underpinnings of urban bias theory underdetermine outcomes. This paper advances a new explanation of the anomalous African cases of Kenya, Cte d'Ivoire, and Zimbabwe. After detailing the costs of rural incorporation, we theorize the conditions that would motivate state elites to overcome their pro-urban biases and offer substantial material benefits to non-elite agrarian producers. Rural incorporation is an optimal strategy only when state elites are locked in unusually intense conflict with their rivals. Most nationalist movements in Africa did not meet this condition and their leaders followed pro-urban policies. The three outliers are all cases of settler colonialism: bitter rivalry between European settlers and native planters created the conditions for rural incorporation. We show how native planters and their political allies selected rural incorporation as a political-economic instrument of commercial competition and political supremacy. Case studies of Ghana and Nigeria demonstrate that in the absence of political and economic rivalry with settlers, African leaders selected the "default" strategy of urban bias.
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Political parties differ in the geographic distribution of their support. This article argues that a regionalized distribution of a party's votes facilitates its participation in government, because it produces a tendency to prior...
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Political parties differ in the geographic distribution of their support. This article argues that a regionalized distribution of a party's votes facilitates its participation in government, because it produces a tendency to prioritize demands for locally targeted goods that are more conducive to the negotiation of reciprocal logrolling agreements with potential partners. Using a measure based on the Gini coefficient, I empirically evaluate the extent to which the geographic concentration of votes plays a role in the formation of governments, taking Spanish local elections from 1987 to 2011 as a test bed. With around 500 formation opportunities and 20,000 potential governments, multinomial choice models are estimated (conditional and mixed logits) and a very sizable effect is documented: A one-standard deviation increase in the electoral geographic concentration of the members of a potential government almost doubles the likelihood of its formation. These findings are relevant for students of government formation, regional parties, and political geography.
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In recent years, social networking sites (SNS) have become enormously popular, in particular microblogging sites such as Twitter. Twitter is nowadays one of the most used SNS for social, economic and political communication. Drawi...
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In recent years, social networking sites (SNS) have become enormously popular, in particular microblogging sites such as Twitter. Twitter is nowadays one of the most used SNS for social, economic and political communication. Drawing on well-known characteristics of social networks and human behavior, i.e. the homophilic behavior of individuals, the power law distribution of influence and retweeting, and the nature of endorsement and the reduction of noise of retweeting, this article proposes a two-step method to first uncover the structure of the network of the top influential Twitter users in a political discussion and second based on the resulting structure of political clusters, predict the voters' perception of the closeness between parties, the proportion of undecided voters between two given parties and the support for pacts between parties. The method analyzes the overlaps of communities of retweeters of the most influent users in a political conversation, and applies it to the Catalan elections in 2012. Comparing our results with those of the Spanish Center for Sociological Research, we show that the overlaps between parties' communities of retweeters are a good predictor of voters' indecision and preferences for post-electoral parliamentary support and coalitions.
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The planning for future transport and its infrastructure is deeply political. Yet, how we understand re-politicisation, and what those efforts tell us about what is political in the planning for future cities, remains under explor...
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The planning for future transport and its infrastructure is deeply political. Yet, how we understand re-politicisation, and what those efforts tell us about what is political in the planning for future cities, remains under explored. One lens through which to explore these acts is to consider the role of urban coalitions in drawing attention to the dominant politics of planning and setting the ground for the re-politicisation of transport infrastructure futures. Drawing on the work of post-foundational scholars Mouffe and Ranciere, this paper examines the interplay between de-politicisation and re-politicisation and how two urban coalitions negotiated this landscape in the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area during a sustained period of contestation surrounding the proposal of new transport infrastructure. Through this analysis, this paper draws on in-depth interviews with coalition members, transport planners, politicians and engaged citizens to illustrate how these urban coalitions produced a 'collective will' and a struggle towards a 'consensus cure' in their re-politicising actions. This paper reveals how coalition-led re-politicisation establishes the grounds for the politics to shift on contested future transport proposals and offers insight into the incremental and oftentimes incomplete ways re-politicisation nurtures transformational change.
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